A NEW POLITICAL FORMATION IN UTTAR PRADESH (UP) : INSAF

A NEW POLITICAL FORMATION IN UTTAR PRADESH (UP) : INSAF

Record note of the meeting of the National Campaign Committee

Future Political Strategy
Record note of the meeting of

the National Campaign Committee for mobilizing support for a radical and inclusive political platform

Held in New Delhi on 13.07.12.

Dear friends,

Following is the record note of the NCC meet held in New Delhi on July 13.

The list of the participants is attached. Dr.Anand Teltumbade, Dr.Sulabha Brahme, Prof.K.B.Saxena and Ms Sudha Bharadwaj could not attend but had indicated their support to the collective endeavour undertaken by the NCC.

Shri S.P.Shukla opened the discussions. He pointed out that it was almost two years since the NCC first met in New Delhi. During this period, comrades and colleagues in the NCC including those working at the grassroots had been engaged in mobilizing support and carrying on struggles on the questions of land, mining, social justice, the suppression of  minority youths, Kashmir. Colleagues in UP had participated in the recent elections in UP. There was a widely shared feeling that it was time that we assessed our collective role and decided on our future course of action.

He added that the basic analysis and conclusions contained in the framework paper continued to be valid. Developments in the intervening years had vindicated our approach.

He drew attention to four specific recent developments over the last two years.

• First, the apparent placidity of the political scene brought about by the stasis in the structured political process has undergone a change. The political waters have turned turbid and volatile. The eruption of colossal scandals and scams has created a deep crisis of credibility not only for the government of the day but the ruling classes as a whole. The important segments of the corporate sector as well as the media have been exposed. The main official opposition which rushed to fish in the troubled waters got equally exposed in the process.

• Second, the apparently apolitical efforts to capitalize on the popular anguish and anger against the unprecedented venality of the ruling classes, and to divert the seething discontent into fighting shadows or symptoms and to denigrate the political process per-se, have lost steam as the people at large have recognized the futility and dangerous implications of such an approach.

• Third, the main religious minority seems to be seriously pursuing the option of forming Muslim political party. The development started at the time of the general elections of 2004. But it seems to be gathering strength and support in recent years. While the trust of the minority in the politics of the major political formations was eroding over the last two decades, the process was speeded up with the Islamophobic politics encouraged globally by the US-Israel combine and the Indian ruling classes adopting the policy of strategic alignment with that combine.  Discriminatory repression of democratic rights and freedoms of the minority youth in the name of fighting “terrorism” has only further alienated the minority community from the ruling political combine.

• Fourth, the absence of a credible political alternative at the national level has given a shot in the arm for the opportunistic regional politics.

On the one hand, the basic contradictions in the polity are deepening. On the other, the  ruling UPA  and  the main opposition NDA are being found more and more unequal to the twin tasks of correctly theorizing their approach  and mobilizing the trust and support of the  vulnerable masses. They are repeating the old platitudes. The main opposition is mouthing the corporate slogan of “policy paralysis”. And the ruling combine is swallowing that bait and has the gumption to offer “more of the same” policies in the name of the next generation of economic reforms.  And that too when the dire failure of such approach is dramatically unfolding at the core of the global capital.

Four main challenges are staring us in the face.

• The Land Question is becoming more and more explosive. Needless to add that the Land Question, broadly formulated will include the other vital natural endowments such as mines and minerals, forest, water.

• The Question of Unemployment is equally explosive and all talk of rapid growth providing increasing employment opportunities has been found empty and unconvincing.

• The democratic rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution are being severely restricted. The dissent is being suppressed ruthlessly in the name of “fighting terrorism” and dealing with the “threat to internal security”.

• The polity is undergoing severe stress. Its very integrity is threatened. Minorities are getting fast alienated. The multiple divides -- the divide between the accumulators and the dispossessed, the divide between urban islands of prosperity and the impoverished  rural hinterland, the divide between the ruling elites and the working people – are threatening to tear the polity apart.

Yet, barring the parties of the left spectrum, the politics of the main formations have degenerated into crude power play of money and muscle. The mainstream left is mainly confined to its traditional strongholds but its strength has been severely eroded in the parliamentary politics.  The left forces continue to be fragmented. The extreme left formation has isolated itself from the mainstream politics. The need of the hour is to form a broad democratic front of all forces representing the alienated, the downtrodden, the marginalized, the dispossessed – all those who are the victims of the neo-liberal onslaught.

The time seemed most opportune for building a radical and inclusive political platform on the basis of the approach contained in our framework paper. And yet we have not been able to concretize a political initiative.

The failure to act at this juncture would weigh heavily on our conscience. More important, anti-people, backward looking and semi-fascist tendencies in the polity would be the ultimate beneficiaries of such inaction.

 Shri  S.P.Shukla called upon the colleagues in the NCC to ponder over these issues, express their views frankly and contribute to a collective assessment of the political situation so as to reach a clear decision on the future course of action.

Ms Meena Menon broadly agreed with the foregoing analysis. She pointed out that the left was in disarray and there was a clear need for a political initiative of the type thought of. It was important that we concentrated on the immediate issues confronting us and engaged ourselves in working out short term action programmes. It was equally important that our actions were informed by a clear alternative vision. However, whatever we decided to do, we should not end up as one more faction of the left.

Shri S.R.Hiremath expressed broad agreement with the analysis as presented by Shri Shukla and stated that the situation in Karnataka was ripe for evolving a concrete political alternative. He said that the new mineral policy and legislation being envisaged by the central government would only strengthen the corporate control of the basic resources and continue to encourage the loot of the precious natural resources in the name of growth. The issue of community ownership and control of natural resources has acquired critical importance. We need to work on these issues and also fight the present regime in regard to exploitation of natural resources politically. He felt that the national political situation appeared ripe for alternative political initiative.

Shri Vineet Tiwari asked for clarity on the shape of the political initiative. He said that the short term programme of action that was being thought of must be well planned to have perceptible political impact.

Shri Darapuri broadly agreed with the initial analysis. He drew attention to persecution of Muslim youth on the pretext of fight against terrorism. He drew attention to need for evolving a cogent stand on the issue of reservation quotas and sub-quotas. He pointed out that the recent court rulings requiring quantifiable data in regard to reservation in promotion had negative implications and militated against the basic concept of reservations for SCs  and STs. He also emphasized the need to engage ourselves with the concrete, micro- level issues of immediate concerns of the people such as limited reach and corruption in PDS, health services, housing and rural employment guarantee schemes.  We have good capability of analyzing macro level policies and evolving alternatives. It needs to be translated into concrete, micro level engagement so as to establish a grass-root political base. 

Shri Ramesh Kushwaha agreed with the analysis and conclusions as presented by the Chair. He felt that time has come for having a one single political banner at the national level under which our various struggles should be carried out and which should also give us an electoral identity. He pointed out that  in the absence of such national level political alternative, sham alternatives were emerging from amongst the discredited existing formations. That only underlined how urgent it was for us to concretize our political alternative. He stressed that our initiative was distinct from the old type of the left alternative in that it was based on a broad, democratic front approach.

Shri Hemant was broadly in agreement with the Chair’s initial presentation and said that it was necessary to emphasise concrete, not abstract, issues. He stressed the urgency and importance of having a national identity and face for our political initiative. He drew attention to the organizational aspects such as the need for having two or three full time workers at the national level.

Shri Shoaib agreed with the analysis presented by the Chair and pointed out that the political process had been vitiated and distorted by casteism and communalism. The Muslim youth was experiencing a deep sense of insecurity. There are any number of instances of innocent youth being picked up and subjected to indignity and worse in the name of intensifying the so-called fight against terrorism. In his opinion, the Muslim youth would respond massively if they see a genuine political alternative building up as envisaged.

Shri Raghavendra Kustage expressed agreement with the Chair’s presentation. He said that four issues confronting the polity as mentioned by the Chair are political. They could be addressed only politically. There could be no half- way house. There should be clarity on this. A clear and quick decision on the formation of the political platform was essential.

Ms Seema Mustafa agreed with the Chair’s presentation. She informed the meeting of the initiatives taken through the medium of the Centre for Policy Analysis (CPA) in regard to Kashmir. She mentioned the recent public meeting organized in Delhi by CPA on the question of the arbitrary police action against innocent Muslim youth and the overwhelming response received. A number of political parties responded and participated actively. At that meeting, a decision had been taken to set up a fact- finding mission which would collect relevant facts in the states of Delhi, UP, Bihar, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra. She invited the participants in the meeting to associate with the mission. Eventually a detailed factual report would be prepared and published so that national conscience is awakened on this issue and the matter was taken up in Parliament.

Shri Lal Bahadur Singh agreed with the analysis presented by the Chair. He said that the ruling system had been exposed as never before. Inflation is deeply affecting the poor as well as the middle classes. Identity politics is coming to the fore in the name of a political alternative. No radical centre is emerging to rally round the people for a real political alternative. The need of the hour is to provide such a nucleus.

 Shri Ashok Varma found himself in agreement with the analysis presented by the chair and the tone set by the fore going interventions. He added that as far as Bihar was concerned, there was no emergence of a Muslim political party.

Shri Yashwant too, agreeing with the previous interventions including the Chair’s, pointed out that the phenomenon of the emergence of Muslim poltical party was weakening. He also felt that the issue unemployment perhaps could not provide an adequate or strong attraction for strategic mobilization of our political alternative.

Shri Akhilendra Pratap Singh agreed with the Chair’s approach. He said that the political situation was ready for a concrete step towards building a political platform on a broad , democratic basis. He felt that the role of such a platform could not be seen as opposed to the left political forces. On the contrary, there would be a degree of convergence and cooperation on the ground. He cautioned that it would be counterproductive to engage in debates on issues such as the left unity which were best left to the left forces themselves to decide. He pointed out that the kind of political platform which was being thought of left scope for inclusion of a wide political spectrum of all individuals, groups and other formations engaged or willing to be engaged in radical, pro-people, democratic, political action. He said that the political programme that would be adopted would determine the political identity of the platform. Already, concrete policy objectives indicated in the framework paper adopted by the NCC provided a clear profile of the political identity. What was now needed was translation of those objectives into a prioritized political action programme to be followed in the immediate context.  He said that NCC had members who happened to be members of the left political parties. It was important that we remained sensitive to their concerns and continued to have their valuable cooperation.

There was a frank and detailed discussion on the immediate steps to be taken. There was a consensus that steps needed to be taken to form a political platform with a simple but evocative name. It was recognized that a common political identity was necessary to carry out struggles and participation in elections is necessary.  The political formation would need registration with the Election Commission. At the same time, it would be necessary to hold a public convention where the political formation would be announced along with the manifesto, constituents, office bearers, and programme. This would need a lot of preparatory work. It was envisaged that such a convention would be possible not earlier than February-March 2013.

As regards the name, various alternatives were discussed: Jan Morcha, Jan Morcha  (Inquilabi), Peoples Front, Peoples Democratic Forum.  Shri Akhilendra Pratap Singh informed that ‘Peoples Democratic Forum’ was already registered with the Election Commission and it could perhaps be used for our platform. He said that Jan Morcha as such may not be available as it was perhaps already assigned to some other body which was virtually defunct. An addition of “Inquilabi” may improve the chance of getting it registered for our platform. ‘Peoples Front’ appeared to meet the bill as it was simple yet evocative name. After some discussion, it was decided that Shri Akhilendra Pratap Singh, Shri Lal Bahadur Singh, Shri Darapuri and Shri Dinkar will pursue this matter with the Election Commission. Ms Seema Mustafa would render such assistance as possible.

As part of the preparatory work, it was decided that a national workshop be held sometime in November 2012 in Wardha. Shri Hiremath volunteered to take on the responsibility for logistics. It was felt that the national workshop could be suitably followed by regional workshops, possibly in Bihar( Shri Ramesh Kushwaha) and Karnataka( Shri Raghavendra Kustage).

The background issue papers would need to be prepared for the workshop. Four issues have already been identified in the presentation of the chair. Fifth issue of Social Justice should be added to the list in the light of specific concerns raised in this regard in the course of the foregoing interventions at the meeting.

It was felt that an overarching paper on the analysis of the political situation and the political process to be initiated should also be got ready for the workshop/s.

 It was decided that a fully participative and democratic approach should be followed in regard to work to be done.  While a few members had volunteered to draft the background papers on specific issues and other items of  preparatory action to be pursued, it was expected that every member would be making his contribution so as to ensure wider participation in and deeper commitment to the process. To that end , A Committee of the Whole should be formed open to all members while the responsibility of initiating the work be given to the identified members. There should be frequent interaction between the identified members and the other members of the Committee of the Whole through the internet or other means as necessary.

Accordingly, the preparation of background papers be taken up as follows:

Analysis of the Political Situation and the political process

to be initiated:       Shri S.P.Shukla

The Question of Land:   Prof. K.B.Saxena

The Question of Minerals and Mining and Other Natural Resources: Shri S,R.Hiremath

The Question of Unemployment:  Shri Lal Bahadur Singh

The Question of Democratic Rights and Freedoms: Ms Sudha Bharadwaj

The Alienation of Minority Communities:  Shri Shoaib

Social Justice and Recent Developments on Reservation Policy Issues: Shri Darapuri

It was also decided that work on preparation of the policy document/manifesto of the proposed political formation be taken in hand along with the preparation of working papers.  While the responsibility of initiating this task would be taken up by Shri S.P.Shukla, Prof. K.B.Saxena, Shri S.R.Hiremath, Shri Akhilendra Pratap Singh, Shri Darapuri and Ms Sudha Bharadwaj, it was expected that in accordance with the Committee of the Whole process agreed upon, there would be involvement of all the members of NCC in the process through the internet or other suitable means.

                    If there is any comment, kindly send it.

With regards,

Akhilendra Pratap Singh

Convener

                                     **************************

The list of the participants in the meeting

Shri  S.P. Shukla

Shri Akhilendra Pratap Singh

Ms Seema Mustafa

Shri S.R. Hiremath

Shri S.R. Darapuri

Ms Meena Menon

Shri Vineet Tiwari

Shri Hemant

Shri Raghavendra Kustage

Shri Ramesh singh Kushwaha

Shri  Mohd Shoaib

Shri Lal Bahadur Singh

Shri Ashok Verma

Shri Yashwant

Shri Ajit singh yadav

Shri Dinkar kapoor

उत्तर प्रदेश में दलितों के लिए सरकारी नौकरियों में आरक्षण का मामला
एस. आर. दारापुरी

हाल में सुप्रीम कोर्ट दुआरा दिए गए निर्णय के अनुसार  उत्तर प्रदेश में सरकारी नौकरियों में दलितों को पदोन्नति में मिलाने वाला आरक्षण समाप्त हो गया है. इस के पूर्व इसी मामले में इलाहाबाद उच्च न्यायालय ने मायावती सरकार दुआरा वर्ष २००७ में नौकरियों में आरक्षण और परिणामी ज्येष्टता के आदेश को रद्द कर दिया था जिस के खिलाफ उत्तर प्रदेश सरकार ने सुप्रीम कोर्ट में अपील  दायर की थी. सुप्रीम कोर्ट  ने इसे एम नागराज के मामले में दलितों  के पिछड़ेपन के सम्बन्ध में आंकड़े एकत्र करके प्रस्तुत करने के आदेशों का अनुपालन न करने के कारण कर दिया   था. यद्यपि उस ने पदोन्नति में आरक्षण को रद्द नहीं किया था परन्तु उसे देने से  पहले पिछड़ेपन के सम्बन्ध में आंकड़े एकत्र करके प्रस्तुत करने का आदेश दिया था.

एम. नागराज का निर्णय वर्ष २००६ में ही आ गया  था और मुलायम सिंह यादव जो उस समय उत्तर प्रदेश के मुख्य मंत्री थे ने दलितों के लिए पदोन्नति में आरक्षण को लागु नहीं किया था.  वर्ष २००७ में जब मायावती सत्ता में आई तो उन्होंने इस निर्णय के आदेशों का अनुपालन किये  बिना ही पदोन्नति में आरक्षण लागु कर दिया जिसे इलाहाबाद हाई कोर्ट ने रद्द कर दिया. दरअसल इस मामले में आरक्षण लागु करने से पहिले या तो एम. नागराज के मामले में दलित जातियों  के पिछड़ेपन के सम्बन्ध में आंकड़े एकत्र करके कोर्ट के सामने रखने चाहिए थे. या फिर एम. नागराज के मामले में निर्णय के  खिलाफ पुनर निरीक्षण याचिका दायर करनी चाहिए थी कि दलितों के मामले में पिछड़ेपन का लागू  किया गया टेस्ट उचित नहीं है परन्तु ऐसा नहीं किया गया.  या फिर इस सम्बन्ध में संविधान संशोधन की मांग उठाई जाती जैसी कि अब उठाई गयी है. अगर मायावती इस मामले में वांछित   कार्रवाही करने के बाद  ही आरक्षण लागू  करती तो उसे न तो कोई रद्द कर  पाता और न ही आज की तरह आरक्षण पर कोई रोक ही लगती. यह मायावती सरकार दुआरा जल्दबाजी  में की गयी कार्रवाही का ही परिणाम है कि अब पदोन्नति में आरक्षण समाप्त हो गया है जिसे बहाल करने में बहुत समय लगेगा.

इस मामले में यह स्पष्ट कर देना उचित होगा कि सुप्रीम कोर्ट अपने पूर्व के कई निर्णयों में स्पष्ट कर चुका है कि नियुक्ति  में पदोन्नति भी निहित है और नियुक्ति में आरक्षण का अर्थ पदोन्नति में भी आरक्षण है. परन्तु  इंदिरा  साह्नी - १९९२ केस में पदोन्नति में आरक्षण पर प्रतिबन्ध लगा दिया था  जिसे लेकर संविधान संशोधन करके संविधान की धारा 16 (4A )  तथा धारा 16 (4B) जोड़ी  गयी जिससे पदोन्नति में आरक्षण तथा परिणामी ज्येष्टता का प्राविधान लागू  कर दिया गया. यह प्राविधान  केवल अनुसूचित/ अनुसूचित जाति के मामले में ही लागू  होना था. इस का लाभ अन्य पिछड़ी जातियों को देय नहीं था.   ऍम. नागराज के मामले में  इसी संविधान संशोधन को चुनौती दी गयी जिस पर सुप्रीम कोर्ट की पॉँच जजों की बैंच ने अपने निर्णय में यह शर्त लगा दी कि यदि कोई राज्य अपने राज्य में अनुसूचित जातियों / जनजातियों को पदोन्नति में आरक्षण देना चाहता है तो उसे इस से पहले इन जातियों के पिछड़ेपन  एवं उन के अपर्याप्त प्रतिनिधितव  के संवंध में आंकड़े तथा इसके  धारा ३३५ में कार्य कुशलता के अनुरूप होने के बारे में सूचनाएं प्रस्तुत करनी होंगी. परन्तु न तो मायावती सरकार ने और न ही राजस्थान एवं हिमाचल प्रदेश सरकार ने इस का अनुपालन किया जिस के फलस्वरूप हाई कोर्ट्स तथा अंतत सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने  उनके पदोन्नति सम्बन्धी आदेशों को रद्द कर दिया.

सुप्रीम कोर्ट  के इस निर्णय के कारण पूरे देश में पदोन्नति में आरक्षण पर रोक लग गयी है. अब या तो एम. नागराज के मामले में दिए गए निर्देशों का अनुपल किया जाये या फिर सुप्रीम कोर्ट में इस निर्णय के खिलाफ पुनर निरीक्षण याचिका दायर करके इन शर्तों को रद्द कराया जाये या फिर संविधान संशोधन किया जाये. यह उल्लेखनीय  है कि संविधान की  धारा  15(4) तथा 16(4) में केवल पिछड़ी जातियों पर सामाजिक एवं शैक्षिक पिछड़ेपन और सेवाओं में अपर्याप्त प्रतिनिधित्व का टेस्ट लागू होता है अनुसूचित जातियों/ जन जातियों  पर नहीं. संविधान में पिछड़ी जातियों को पिछड़ा वर्ग आयोग दुआरा उपरोक्त मापदंडों के आधार पर ही चिन्हित किया जाता है परन्तु अनुसूचित जातियां तो संविधान की धारा ३४१ व ३४२  के अंतर्गत और संविधान (अनुसूचित जातियां ) आदेश ,१९५० तथा संविधान (अनुसूचित जनजातियाँ) आदेश, १९५० के अनुसार चिन्हित हैं. अतः  इन के मामले में पिछड़ेपन के टेस्ट को लागू करना संविधान सम्मत नहीं कहा जा सकता है. अतः इसे जल्दी से जल्दी सुप्रीम कोर्ट में पुनर निरीक्षण  याचिका दुआरा अथवा संविधान संशोधन दुआरा समाप्त किया जाना चाहिए.

पदोन्नति में आरक्षण इस लिए भी ज़रूरी है कि अनुसूचित जातियों का  उच्च पदों पर  प्रतिनिधित्व अभी भी बहुत कम है. दलित  वर्ग के अधिकतर  कर्मचारी विभिन्न कारणों से नौकरी में देर से आते हैं. अतः वे सेवा काल में उन उच्च पदों पर नहीं पहुँच पाते हैं जहाँ पर सामान्य जाति के लोग पहुँच जाते हैं. इस के अतिरिक्त आरक्षण  का मतलब सभी स्तरों पर प्रतिनिधित्व भी है.  यह भी ज्ञातव्य है कि प्रशासन में उच्च पदों की महत्वपूरण भूमिका होती है. अतः इन पदों पर दलितों का प्रतिनिधितिव केवल पदोन्नति  में आरक्षण  दुआरा ही सम्भव है. अब अगर पदोन्नति के बाद उस पद की ज्येष्टता नहीं मिलेगी तो अल्गली  पदोन्नति फिर बाधित हो जाएगी क्योकि इस के बिना सामान्य जाति का बाद में पदोन्नति पाने वाला व्यक्ति फिर जयेष्ट हो जायेगा. अतः दलितों के लिए पदोन्नति में आरक्षण और परिणामी ज्येष्टता का प्रावधान होना ज़रूरी है.
दलितों को यह भी ध्यान में रखना चाहिए कि आरक्षण पर शुरू से ही चौतरफा हमले होते रहे हैं. एक तो किसी भी सरकार ने कोटा पूरा करने में ईमानदारी नहीं दिखाई है और दूसरे इस में अदालतों दुआरा अनेकों बाधाएं पैदा की जाती रही है. इस का दुष्परिणाम यह है कि १९५० से लेकर अब तक बड़ी मुश्किल से वर्ग तीन और वर्ग चार की नौकरियों में ही कोटा पूरा हो पाया है जो कि महत्वहीन  पद होते है. वर्ग दो और वर्ग एक का कोटा अभी बहुत पिछड़ा हुआ है जबकि यह पद ही वास्तव में महत्वपूर्ण होते हैं जहाँ से प्रशासन में महतवपूर्ण भागीदारी  हो सकती है. अतः उच्च पदों पर पहुँच कर भागीदारी करने हेतु पदोन्नति में आरक्षण का होना अति आवश्यक है जिस कि बहाली हेतु अदालत और राजनैतिक स्तर पर संघर्ष की ज़रूरत है. इसमें वे एक तो अपने स्तर सुप्रीम कोर्ट जा कर और दूसरे सपा सरकार पर उचित दबाव पैदा करके आवश्यक कार्रवाही करवा सकते हैं.

Election Manifesto of Jan Sangharsh Morcha for 2012 Elections in U.P.

घोषणा पत्र
क्रांतिकारी समता पार्टी - जन संघर्ष मोर्चा का
विधान सभा चुनाव 2012


• माफिया, भ्रष्ट, जन विरोधी कारपोरेट राजनीति के खिलाफ, विष्वसनीय प्रगतिषील जन राजनीति के लिए!
• मंहगार्इ, बेरोजगारी और भ्रष्टाचार बढ़ाने वाली सटटेबाज फर्जी अर्थव्यवस्था के खिलाफ कृषि और उधोग को बढ़ावा देने वाली उत्पादक अर्थव्यवस्था के लिए!
• विकास, सहभागिता और लोकतंत्र के लिए!


साथियो,
प्रदेष विधानसभा के चुनाव हमारे सामने हैं। डेढ़ दषकों की त्रिषंकु विधानसभाओं की अनिषिचतता से प्रदेष को निकालकर 2007 के चुनाव में जनता ने मायावती जी को निर्णायक जनादेष देते हुए बहुमत शासन की बागडोर सौंपी थी। यह मुलायम सिंह के भ्रष्ट-माफिया राज से निजात पाने तथा राजनीतिक अनिषिचतता से निकलकर विकास के रास्ते पर बढ़ने की जनाकांक्षा की अभिव्यकित थी। लेकिन मायावती सरकार ने न सिर्फ जनता की उम्मीदों पर पानी फेरने का काम किया है वरन आज फिर प्रदेष को उसी राजनीतिक असिथरता और त्रिषंकु विधानसभा की सम्भावना के द्वार पर ला खड़ा किया है।
मायावती शासन में पूरा प्रदेष पुलिस-माफिया राज में तब्दील हो गया। जनता के विकास और जमीनी स्तर पर लोकतंत्र की आकांक्षा को रौंदा गया। इसने अपने चौथे कार्यकाल में भ्रष्टाचार के नये कीर्तिमान स्थापित किये हैं। सरकार के लगभग आधे से अधिक मंत्री भ्रष्टाचार और अपराध के आरोप में हटाये जा चुके है, उनमें से कई जेल में हैं और अनेक के खिलाफ जांच चल रही है। लेकिन मायावती सरकार ने लोकायुक्त के आग्रह के बाद भी किसी भी मंत्री के खिलाफ आय से अधिक सम्पतित के मामले में आपराधिक मुकदमा दर्ज नहीं कराया। मायावती के परिवार और चहेतों की अकूत नामी-बेनामी सम्पत्ति के नित नये खुलासे सुर्खियों में हैं।
कानून के राज का आलम यह है कि राजधानी लखनऊ में दिन दहाड़े मुख्य स्वास्थ्य अधिकारी की हत्या कर दी जाती है और जब भ्रष्टाचार के खुलासे की आषंका पैदा होती है तब सहायक स्वास्थ्य अधिकारी की जेल के अन्दर कत्ल की खबरें आती है।
मायावती सरकार ने प्रदेष में कारपोरेट-परस्त नीतियों को बढ़-चढ़कर लागू किया है। स्वाभाविक रूप से इन नीतियों से जुडे़ अथाह भ्रष्टाचार में जैसे केन्द्र की कांग्रेसी हुकूमत डूबी हुई है या कर्नाटक-उत्तराखण्ड आदि की भाजपाई सरकारें या मुलायम की पिछली सरकार लिप्त थी, ठीक वैसे ही प्रदेष की बहुमूल्य कृषि योग्य जमीन, सार्वजनिक उधोग और प्राकृतिक सम्पदा को कारपोरेट घरानों-माफिया बिल्डरों के हाथों कौडि़यों के दाम लुटाने और अरबों खरबों की अवैध कमाई में मायावती राज का पूरा सत्ता प्रतिष्ठान लिप्त रहा।
सत्ता में आते ही मायावती ने गंगा एक्सपे्रस वे और यमुना एक्सपे्रस वे के नाम पर गंगा यमुना बेसिन की बेहद उर्वरा लाखों एकड़ जमीन अपने चहेते जेपी समूह को सौंप दी। मायावती राज में सोनभद्र, मिर्जापुर, इलाहाबाद से लेकर बुन्देलखण्ड तक की बेषकीमती खदानों को पर्यावरण के सभी मानकों का खुला उल्लंघन करते हुए उसी तरह लूटा और उजाड़ा गया जैसा बेेल्लारी कर्नाटक में रेडडी बन्धुओं ने यदुरप्पा के राज में किया था।
प्रदेष में विष्वविधालयों, संस्थानों, कालेजों से निकलने वाले लाखों छात्रों के लिए योग्यतानुसार रोजगार के अवसर नदारद है, सरकारी क्षेत्रों में भी नौकरियों में कटौती हो रही है फलस्वरूप राज्य में बड़े पैमाने पर प्रतिभा पलायन हो रहा है। खेत मजदूर, बुनकर, ग्रामीण व शहरी गरीब जो हर वक्त भुखमरी की हालत में जी रहे हैं और उनकी बड़े पैमाने पर मौतें हो रही हैं। सरकारी मषीनरी के सहयोग से उनके राषन को भी लूट लिया गया और विदेष में बेच दिया गया। मुलायम सरकार के समय से ही चले आ रहे घोटाले इतने अधिक हैं कि सीबीआर्इ को भी कहना पड़ा कि इतने बड़े घोटाले की जांच कराने के लिए उसके पास क्षमता ही नहीं है। प्रदेष की जनता आज जो बिजली, पानी और स्वास्थ्य के संकट को झेल रही है उसकी मूल वजह भ्रष्टाचार है। आज भी यदि प्रदेष की अनपरा और ओबरा जैसी बिजली परियोजनाओं में व्याप्त भ्रष्टाचार को खत्म कर दिया जाए तो प्रदेष में बिजली के संकट से निपटा जा सकता है। दवाओं की खरीद में लूट की वजह से हुर्इ डाक्टरों की हत्याओं से पूरा प्रदेष दहल उठा। षिक्षा का और भी बुरा हाल है। इन संस्थाओं में जनता के पैसे की इतने बड़े पैमाने पर सरकारी तंत्र द्वारा लूट हुर्इ है कि मायावती और मुलायम पर आय से अधिक सम्पत्ति रखने के मामले में मुकदमे चल रहे हैं। इन मामलों में दोषियों को बचाने के लिए समय-समय पर केन्द्र सरकार के हस्तक्षेप से सीबीआर्इ की जो पैतरेबाजी होती है उससे सुप्रीम कोर्ट भी हैरान है।
जनता का जीना दूभर करने वाली आसमान छूती महंगार्इ के लिए जहां केन्द्र की कांग्रेस हुकूमत की कारपोरेट घरानों के मुनाफे के लिए बनायी गयी नीतियां जिम्मेदार हैं, वहीं प्रदेष सरकार द्वारा जमाखोरों-सटोरियों को लूट की छूट, प्रदेष सरकार द्वारा लिया जा रहा बढ़ा हुआ टैक्स और भ्रष्टाचार का भी भारी योगदान है।
पांच साल शासन करने के बाद प्रदेष के विभिन्न अंचलों की जनता के विकास की उम्मीदों को पूरा करने में नाकाम मायावती ने आसन्न चुनाव में अपने पैरों के नीचे से जमीन खिसकती देख उत्तर प्रदेष के बंटवारे का शिगूफा छोड़ा है। एक सुविचारित आधार पर, जनहित में-प्रषासनिक सुविधा और विकास के लिए-यदि राज्य पुनर्गठन वांछित हो तो उसूली तौर पर कोई भी जनवादी व्यकित उससे सहमत होगा। इस संदर्भ में दूसरे राज्य पुनर्गठन आयोग का निर्माण आज एक वाजिब मांग है। बहरहाल मायावती के लिए यह राजनैतिक बरतरी हासिल करने की कवायद से अधिक कुछ नहीं है। जाहिर है मायावती जैसे हुकमरानों के राज में छोटे राज्य कारपोरेट माफिया के हाथों और नंगी लूट का षिकार बनने के लिए ही अभिषप्त होंगे।
सामाजिक न्याय की लड़ाई आज भी अधूरी है: जाति व्यवस्था का विनाष तथा उत्पीडि़त समुदायों के आखिरी तबकों तक सामाजिक न्याय पहुचाने के लक्ष्य की जगह जात-पात और सामंती रोब-दाब की संस्कृति ही मायावती सरकार के दौर में परवान चढ़ी है। दलितों के ऊपर हमलों के मामलों में, विषेषकर महिलाओं के उत्पीड़न में उत्तर प्रदेष नम्बर एक पर पहुंच गया। इस उत्पीड़न में सरकार के मंत्री तक संलिप्त रहे। मेहनतकषों को चाहे वह जिस भी जाति या सम्प्रदाय के हो उन्हे संकट के दौर से गुजरना ही पड़ रहा है। लेकिन आरक्षण व्यवस्था से उत्पीडि़त समुदाय के जो हिस्से लाभ उठा सकते थे या विकास में जिनकी बेहतर हिस्सेदारी हो सकती थी उन्हें भी मुलायम सरकार की ही तरह मायावती सरकार में भी वंचित रहना पड़ा। यही वजह है कि दलितों में अतिदलित या महादलितों की बात उठने लगी, पिछड़े मुसलमानों के आरक्षण के प्रष्न को लेकर भाजपा पूरे मुíे का साम्प्रदायीकरण करने में लग गयी है। दलितों के अन्य हिस्सों पर मायावती सरकार की सम्वेदनहीनता को इसी बात से समझा जा सकता है कि आज भी वालिमकी दलित स्वच्छकार समुदाय की तमाम मां, बहनें आजीविका के लिए मैला ढ़ोने के अमानवीय एवं बर्बर काम में लगे रहने के लिए अभिषप्त है। अपने को दलित की बेटी कहने वाली महिला मुख्यमंत्री के राज के लिए इससे बड़ा कलंक का धब्बा और क्या हो सकता है। उन्हें वैकलिपक रोजगार मुहैया कराकर इस अमानवीय त्रासदी से मुक्त करने हेतु स्वच्छकार विमुकित योजना के 100 करोड़ रूपये का उपयोग महज इसलिए नहीं हो सका क्योंकि मायावती सरकार ने केन्द्र को गारन्टी देने से इन्कार कर दिया। इसी तरह सूडा ने झूठा दावा कर दिया कि शुष्क शौचालयों को जल प्रवाहित शौचालयों में तब्दील करने का काम उत्तर प्रदेष में संतृप्त हो चुका है। ठीक इसी तरह मायावती राज में दलित पासी, मुसहर समुदाय के तमाम नौजवानों की अपराधी बताकर फर्जी मुठभेड़ों में हत्यायें हुई। राजभर, बिन्द, बियार जाति अभी भी पिछड़ी जाति की श्रेणी में आते है। उन्हें अनुसूचित जनजाति का लाभ नहीं मिलता है। राजभरों को, विमुकित जाति के लाभ से भी वंचित होना पड़ा है। आदिवासी-वनवासी समाज आज भी सामाजिक न्याय के अधिकार से वंचित है।
अल्पसंख्यकों की सुरक्षा का सवाल तो बना ही हुआ है, उनकी तरक्की के सवाल पर सरकार के रूख का नमूना यह है कि पूरे सूबे में मदरसोंमकतबों के विकास के लिए महज 50 करोड़ रूपए आंवटित किए गए। रंगनाथ मिश्र आयोग की संस्तुतियों के अनुरूप मुसलमानों के लिए कोई पहल मायावती सरकार ने नहीं की।
सपा अपनी पुनर्वापसी के लिए जी तोड़ कोषिष कर रही है, लेकिन जनता के मन में मुलायम सिंह के पिछले पुलिस गुण्डा राज और कारपोरेट परस्त नीतियों की स्मृतियां अभी धूमिल नहीं हुई हैं। लोकतंत्रिक मूल्यों को तिलांजलि देकर राजनीति में वंषवाद और परिवारवाद का बदतरीन नमूना बन चुकी सपा हर नाजुक मौके पर केन्द्र में कांग्रेस सरकार की संकटमोचक बनी रही है, चाहे वह अमेरिका के साथ न्यूकिलयर डील का मामला हो या पेट्रोलियम पदाथोर्ं को बाजार के हवाले कर जनता पर मंहगाई थोपने का फैसला रहा हो या मतदान के समय लोकसभा से बहिर्गमन कर सरकारी लोकपाल पास करवाने में मदद करने का ताजा प्रकरण हो-बेषक इसका इनाम कांग्रेस ने आय से अधिक सम्पतित मामले में मुलायम सिंह को बचाकर दिया है। आज सपा हर दृषिट से कांग्रेस की बी टीम बन चुकी है और उसकी मदद से अगली सरकार बनाने का प्रयास कर रही है।
कांग्रेस राहुल गांधी के मिषन 2012 को सफल बनाकर यू.पी. चुनाव को राहुल के राज्याभिषेक का लांचिंग पैड बनाना चाहती है। राहुल गांधी यू.पी. को स्वर्ग बनाने का वायदा कर रहे है। लेकिन प्रदेष की जनता यह समझ नही पा रही है कि केन्द्र में शासन करने वाली उनकी पार्टी जब पूरे देष को भ्रष्टाचार, मंहगार्इ और बेरोजगारी से तबाह किए हुए है तो वह उत्तर प्रदेष का अलग से भला कैसे कर देगी। प्रदेष की जनता यह भी जानती है कि आजादी के बाद से, कुछ वषोर्ं को छोड़ दिया जाय तो लगातार चार दषकों तक कांग्रेस ने ही यू.पी. में राज किया और पचास के दषक में जो उत्तर प्रदेष विकास के पैमाने पर राष्ट्रीय औसत के आस-पास था वह कांग्रेसी राज में लगातार पिछडता चला गया और बीमारू राज्य की श्रेणी में पहुंच गया।
चुनाव के मददेनजर आनन-फानन में कांग्रेस ने अल्पसंख्यकों के लिए 4.5 प्रतिषत आरक्षण की जो घोषणा की है, वह अल्पसंख्यकों के सामाजिक न्याय की लम्बे समय से लमिबत मांग के संदर्भ में खानापूर्ति जैसा ही है। सच्चर कमेटी और रंगनाथ मिश्र आयोग ने अल्पसंख्यकों के भयावह पिछडे़पन की तस्वीर देष के सामने रखते हुए उनके लिए 15 प्रतिषत आरक्षण तथा अल्पसंख्यक समुदाय के दलितों को भी अनुसूचित जाति का दर्जा देने की जोरदार वकालत की थी। इसके अभाव में अल्पसंख्यक लोकसभा की 130 तथा विधान सभाओं की 22.5 प्रतिषत आरक्षित सीटों पर चुनाव लड़ने के लोकतांत्रिक अधिकार से भी वंचित है। कांग्रेस ने इस बेहद जरूरी और जायज मांग को अनसुना कर दिया है। आरक्षण भी उनकी जनसंख्या के अनुपात तथा सच्चर कमेटी और रंगनाथ मिश्र आयोग की अनुषंसाओं के विपरीत महज 4.5 प्रतिषत दिया है।
प्रदेष में बाबू सिंह कुषवाहा प्रकरण ने एक बार पुन: यह स्थापित कर दिया कि भाजपा फर्जी, सटटेबाज, परजीवी, भ्रष्ट, कारपोरेट पूजी की सबसे बर्बर, भ्रष्टतम राजनीतिक पार्टी है और भ्रष्टाचार विहीन राजनीतिक जीवन, राजनीति में शुचिता और नैतिकता महज उसकी लफ्फाजी है। चुनाव के दौर में यह मुददे और नेतृत्व के अभाव में इधर-उधर भटक रही है। हाल फिलहाल पिछड़े मुसलमानों के आरक्षण के सवाल को उठाकर वह साम्प्रदायीकरण में लगी हुई है। लोकपाल मुददे पर हो-हल्ला करके वह स्वच्छ होने का जो नाटक कर रही थी, मायावती सरकार के सबसे बदनाम मंत्री को पार्टी में शामिल करके उसने अपना असली चेहरा जनता को दिखा दिया। राष्ट्रीय स्वयं सेवक संघ के पुराने कैडर और भाजपा के पूर्व षिक्षा मंत्री ने सरेआम मुरली मनोहर जोषी जैसे नेता पर यह आरोप लगाया है कि उन्होंने पैसा लेकर माफिया को टिकट दिलाया है। बहरहाल केन्द्र में पुनर्वापसी का सपना संजो रही भाजपा उत्तर प्रदेष में बसपा की पीठ पर सवार होकर सत्ता में भागेदारी की कोषिष पुन: कर सकती है।
कुछ नये छोटे दल और उनके रोज बनते बिगड़ते मोर्चे न केवल अवसरवादी हैं बलिक अपराधी माफियाओं की नई शरणस्थली बन गये हैं। इस तरह की ताकतें कांग्रेस, भाजपा, सपा, बसपा से सत्ता में हिस्सेदारी के नाम पर मोल तोल तो करती ही हैं, परदे के पीछे इनका लेन-देन भी चलता है। खूंखार माफिया इनके हीरो होते हैं और ये राजनीति को धन्धा के रूप में लेते हैं। सामाजिक न्याय के नाम पर सत्ता में हिस्सेदारी को अपना मुददा बनाकर जाति बिरादरी के नाम पर ये मालामाल होते रहते हैं। इनके चंगुल से जनता को बचाने के लिए इनका भंडाफोड़ करना बेहद जरूरी है क्योंकि कारपोरेट राजनीति के ही ये भोडे़ और विकृत रूप हैं।

प्रिय प्रदेष वासियों,
आज प्रदेष की जनता के सामने यक्ष प्रष्न यह है कि उत्तर प्रदेष सपा, बसपा कांग्रेस, भाजपा के दुष्चक्र से निकल कर विकास के पथ पर आगे बढ़ेगा अथवा बीमारू राज्य बने रहने के लिए ही अभिषप्त रहेगा। दरअसल उत्तर प्रदेष के विकास की कुंजी है-भूमि सुधार और कृषि का चौतरफा विकास, बुनकरी समेत तमाम लघु उधमों को संकट से निकालने एवं विकास के लिए नई नीतियां तथा भारी सरकारी प्रोत्साहन, रोजगार, षिक्षा, स्वास्थ्य, बिजली, पानी की गारंटी, प्रदेष की प्राकृतिक सम्पदा और सरकारी खजाने की लूट पर रोक तथा तेज औधोगिक विकास। लेकिन कांग्रेस, भाजपा, सपा, बसपा जैसी कारपोरेट परस्त पार्टियों के एजेण्डे मे यह सब नदारद है। जाहिर है इन पार्टियों के पास प्रदेष के विकास का कोई रास्ता नहीं है।
सत्ता की दोनों प्रमुख दावेदार पार्टियां सपा और बसपा आज कांग्रेस के चंगुल में है। अधिक से अधिक यह हो सकता है कि चुनाव बाद कांग्रेस से छिटक कर उनमें से कोई भाजपा की शरण में चला जाए। आय से अधिक सम्पत्ति के मामले में सी.बी.आई. का इस्तेमाल करके मनमोहन सरकार ने दोनो को बचाया है और हर नाजुक मौके पर केन्द्र सरकार को बचाने के लिए ये दोनों प्रत्यक्षपरोक्ष कांग्रेस के पाले में खड़े हुए हैं। कांग्रेस, भाजपा से इनका न नीतियों के स्तर पर फर्क है न ही राजनैतिक संस्कृति के स्तर पर। यूपीए-एनडीए की सरकारों ने जिन कारपोरेट परस्त नीतियों को देष के पैमाने पर लागू किया है, उन्हीं नीतियों को बढ़ चढ़कर इन्होंने प्रदेष में लागू किया। राजनैतिक जीवन मेंं भ्रष्टाचार, माफिया, अपराधियों को संरक्षण और भाई भतीजा वादवंषवाद की लोकतंत्र विरोधी संस्कृति को प्रोत्साहन देने में इन्होंने सबको पीछे छोड़ दिया है।
यदि आप चाहते हैं कि किसानों की जमीन छीनकर कारपोरेट घरानों को सौंपने वाली, नौजवान को रोजगार से वंचित करने वाली नीतियों, लूट, महगाई, भ्रष्टाचार, एफ.डी.आई. द्वारा देष के बाजारों को विदेषी सामानों से पाटकर किसानों उधमियों को तबाह करने वाली हुकूमतों, लोकतांत्रिक अधिकारों को कुचल कर दलितों, महिलाओं, पिछड़ों, अल्पसंख्यकों के हक सुरक्षा और सम्मान को रौंदने वाले माफिया पुलिस राज से निजात मिले तथा हमारा प्रदेष लोकतंत्र और विकास के रास्ते पर आगे बढ़े तो आज इसके लिए जरूरत है विष्वसनीय प्रगतिषील जन राजनीति और कारपोरेट परस्त नीतियों के विरूद्ध वैकलिपक रास्ते की ताकतों की एकता। जन संघर्ष मोर्चा इसी कार्यभार के लिए समर्पित है। हमें खुषी है कि उत्तर प्रदेष विधान सभा 2012 में कम्युनिस्ट धारा, सोषलिस्ट धारा, किसान आंदोलन, मुसिलम संगठन और सामाजिक न्याय व नागरिक आंदोलन की तमाम प्रगतिषील ताकतें चुनावी तालमेल करके चुनाव मैदान में हैं और निष्चय ही उन्हें सफलता मिलेगी।
हम काले धन और भ्रष्टाचार के विरूद्ध स्वतंत्र निष्पक्ष एवं प्रभावी लोकपाल के लिए आंदोलन के सहभागी हैं। हम सरकार द्वारा कारपोरेट घरानों के हित में अंधाधुन्ध भूमि अधिग्रहण को सुगम बनाने के लिए संसद में प्रस्तावित नये विधेयक को रदद कर नयी राष्ट्रीय भूमि उपयोग नीति के लिए लड़ने हेतु कृतसंकल्प हैं।
हमारा एजेंडा है

• सभी नेताओं, अधिकारियों, कर्मचारियों, न्यायाधीषों की चल अचल सम्पतितयों की जांच हो और जिसकी सम्पतित आय से अधिक हो उसे जब्त किया जाय और उन्हें जेल भेजा जाए।
• संसद में पेष भूमि अधिग्रहण कानून को वापस लिया जाए और राष्ट्रीय भूमि उपयोग आयोग का गठन किया जाए और जब तक यह न हो तब तक जमीन की खरीद-फरोख्त पर रोक लगायी जाए। कृषि लागत व मूल्य आयोग को वैधानिक दर्जा दिया जाए।
• महंगार्इ, बेरोजगारी पर रोक लगे। रोजगार को मौलिक अधिकार बनाया जाए और हर नौजवान को रोजगार न देने की सिथति में जीवन निर्वाह हेतु बेकारी भत्ता दिया जाए।
• सार्वजनिक वितरण प्रणाली के तहत प्रति व्यकित के हिसाब से अनाज, दाल, खाने का तेल, चीनी आदि की गारंटी की जाए। रोजगार गारंटी कानून में मजदूरी 300 रू0 की जाए।
• मुसलमानों, अतिपिछड़ों, आदिवासियाें के सामाजिक न्याय की गारंटी हो। उ0 प्र0 में इन समुदायों के विकास के लिए सबप्लान घोषित होे। रंगनाथ मिश्र आयोग तथा सच्चर कमेटी की संस्तुतियों को लागू किया जाए। अति पिछड़े हिन्दू और पिछड़े मुसलमानों का आरक्षण कोटा अलग किया जाए। दलित मुसलमानों व इसाइयों को भी अनुसूचित जाति में षामिल किया जाए। कोल, मुसहर, राजभर जैसी अन्य जातियों को जनजाति में षामिल किया जाए। गोड़, खरवार जैसी आदिवासी का दर्जा पायी जातियों के लिए चुनाव में सीट आरक्षित की जाए।
• छोटे-मझोले किसानों, बुनकरों एवं सभी गरीबों के कर्जे माफ किया जाय।
• किसानों को सस्ते दर पर खाद, बीज और कर मुक्त डीजल उपलब्ध कराया जाए। बाढ़-सुखाड़ से निपटने की प्रदेष में स्थायी व्यवस्था की जाए।
• प्राकृतिक संसाधनों की लूट पर रोक लगाई जाय। बिना पर्यावरणीय अनुमति के जिन लोगों ने खनन के आदेष दिए है उनकी जबाबदेही तय हो और उन्हे दणिडत किया जाए।
• 150 रूपए तक कमाने वाले को बीपीएल सूची में दर्ज किया जाय और उनके उचित इलाज की मुफ्त व्यवस्था की जाए।
• पंचायत मित्रों, षिक्षामित्रों, पषुधन अधिकारी, आंगनबाड़ी कार्यकत्रियों व सहायिकाओं, आषा बहू को राज्य कर्मचारी का दर्जा दो व संविदा श्रमिकों को नियमित किया जाय!
• प्रदेष में विभिन्न औधोगिक प्रतिष्ठानों, खदानों, सरकारी संस्थानों में कार्यरत संविदा, दैनिक और अनियमित श्रमिकों की मजदूरी का भुगतान चेक द्वारा किया जाए। उन्हें र्इपीएफ, हाजरी कार्ड, वेतन पर्ची, बोनस की हर हाल में गारंटी की जाए।
• प्रदेष में लोकतंत्र की हर हाल में गारंटी की जाए और छात्रसंघ की बहाली की जाए। आंदोलन के कार्यकत्र्ताओं पर लादे मुकदमे वापस लिए जाए।
• वनाधिकार कानून को लागू किया जाय और विस्थापितों से हुए समझौतों को लागू किया जाए।
• बढ़े हुए वैट टैक्स द्वारा व्यापारियों का उत्पीड़न बन्द किया जाए और खुदरा व्यापार में एफ.डी.आई. को अनुमति देने सम्बंधी केन्द्र सरकार के फैसले को रदद किया जाए तथा इस क्षेत्र में बहुराष्ट्रीय कम्पनियों एवं बड़े कारपोरेट घरानों के प्रवेष पर रोक लगायी जाये।
• मजबूत लोकपाल बिल पास कर कारपोरेट घरानों समेत सभी सर्वोच्च पदों को उसके अधीन लाया जाये।
• विदेषों में जमा धन हर हाल में वापस लाया जाये। 
• 1984 के सिख दंगा पीडि़तों को जितनी सरकारी सहायता मिली है, उसी अनुपात में सहायता 1984 के बाद के सारे ही दंगा पीडि़तों को दी जाए।
• षिक्षा एवं स्वास्थ्य को मौलिक अधिकार मान कर हर नागरिक को सी. जी. एस. एच. कार्ड बनाया जाए तथा हर बच्चे को मुफ्त षिक्षा उच्च श्रेणी तक दी जाए। समान षिक्षा प्रणाली व पड़ोस के विधालय की अवधारणा लागू की जाए।
• माफियाओं को सरकारी ठेकाें से दूर रखने के लिए कड़ा कानून बनाया जाए।
• ऐसा कानून बनाया जाए कि मतदाता सूची, बी.पी.एल.सूची, विधवा एवं वृद्धा सूची व अन्य सूचियाँ बनाने वाले अधिकारी - कर्मचारी यदि जानबूझकर गलत सूची बनाते है तो उन्हे कड़ा से कड़ा दण्ड दिया जाए।

• कांग्रेस-भाजपा, बसपा-सपा की जन विरोधी, लोकतंत्र विरोधी कारपोरेट राजनीति को षिकस्त दो।
• माफिया राजनीति, कालेधन तथा पतित नौकरषाहों के वाहक बने कथित छोटे दलों के बनते बिगड़ते मोर्चों की खरीदफरोख्त और अवसरवाद की राजनीति पर चोट करो।
• क्रानितकारी समता पार्टी, सीपीएम, राष्ट्रवादी कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी और अन्य वाम-जनवादी दलों के प्रत्याषियों को जिताओ।
• जन संघर्ष मोर्चा की राह चलो।

Constitution, Structure and Mode of Operation of Jan Sangharsh Morcha

Constitution 1. This is a mass-political platform of the people struggling for democracy in its broadest possible sense. Members of this platform are drawn from different layers of society and diverse political trends barring communal, anti- people and status-quoist parties. Any Party, organization or individual joining this platform shall be free to preserve one's identity and shall enjoy full autonomy whereas the decisions of the platform shall be based upon consensus keeping in view the general principles of the platform. 2. Name of the platform will be Jan Sangharsh Morcha. This name shall be suitably translated into all other Indian languages. 3. Jan Sangharsh Morcha shall have its own rectangular flag of the ratio of 3:2 in length and width. The colour of flag shall be three vertical red, white and green strips. 4. The main policy making and organizational body of Jan Sangharsh Morcha shall be All India Front Committee which should reflect the entire extent and possibilities of the platform. Front Committee may not meet frequently, however at least one meeting shall be mandatory. 5. While the central tasks of the front shall be governed by the All India Front Committee, the day-to-day functioning will be looked after by an apex, relatively small, dynamic leading team invested with necessary powers. This will be named as 'Working Committee'. Office bearers will be appointed according to the need of organization. 6. Membership of the constituent groups shall be deemed as membership of the front while the front may also issue individual memberships. 7. The National Conference of Jan Sangharsh Morcha should be periodically held and prior to every conference, vigorous membership campaign should be undertaken. 8. Regional fronts and organizations may function as the regional units of Jan Sangharsh Morcha and may use the name of Jan Sangharsh Morcha along with their own name. At such places the Jan Sangharsh Morcha may opt not to work under its independent banner. 9. The structure of the front shall work as co-coordinating bodies at central, state and district levels too. 10. Area of work and Purpose- Jan Sangharsh Morcha shall raise its organizational structure at national, state and district levels which will function according to the democratic principles and shall work in accordance with the goals and objectives defined in the 'manifesto' and other 'political documents 'adopted from time to time. 11. Structure (a)The activist ranks of Jan Sangharsh Morcha shall be recruited from amongst the peasants, workers, employees, artisans, rural and urban middle classes, intellectuals, small and medium entrepreneurs, traders and patriots. (b) Jan Sangharsh Morcha shall work to unify all such left; democratic organizations, forces and individuals who are involved in liberation struggles for the country, nation and people/or struggles for the unity, democratization and prosperity of the Indian people/or struggles for democratic and civil rights, struggle against communalism, sectarianism, social oppression and religious fundamentalism. Jan Sangharsh Morcha shall join hands with all such forces, organizations and individuals for common goals or for some issue based programme or even form a temporary joint-front. 12. Mode of Operation- In view of its philosophy, structure and formation, the Jan Sangharsh Morcha shall function in accordance with the consensus, taking decisions on the basis of discussions and deliberations. The constituents and members of Morcha shall have the right to independently interpret the line of the front and may even be allowed to experiment their own ideas provided it does not go against the political orientation of the platform and does not violate the established democratic norms and procedures. Issued by, Akhilendra Pratap Singh, National Convener Jan Sangharsh Morcha Office : A-20A,Shivangi Kunj, E Block, Paschim Puri New Delhi-63 Contact : ED-17, Diamond Dairy,Udaiganj Lucknow Phone: 09450153307

Resolutions and Decisions ofJan Sangharsh Morcha

Resolutions and Decisions adopted by National Campaign Committee(NCC) of Jan Sangharsh Morcha, other democratic organizations and individuals on August 23, 2010 at Gandhi peace Foundation, New Delhi)

1. Land Acquisition/Transfer and Displacement:

The Meeting noted that the Land Acquisition Act of 1894 and similar other laws in the States were fundamentally flawed in that they were founded in the doctrine of “eminent domain”; they defined “public purpose” loosely, thereby giving legitimacy to the questionable role of the government as facilitator and agent of private companies and businesses; they violated the constitutional and legal protection available to Adivasis and forest dwellers in respect of their land and habitat; they failed to make the consent of the Gram Sabha a necessary condition for any acquisition/transfer; they failed to recognize that the provision of a decent, alternative livelihood to all those whose livelihood is threatened by any acquisition/transfer of land must be a pre-condition for such transfer or acquisition.
The Meeting further noted that the proposed amendments to the Laws failed to remedy the basic flaws.
The Meeting resolved
• that the said laws, including the notorious SEZ Act, be repealed;
• that there be an immediate freeze on transfer of all agricultural, forest and mining land to the corporate sector;
• that any transfer of agricultural land to non-agriculturists, in general and to foreigners and NRIs, in particular be prohibited immediately;
• that any transfer of Adivasi land to non-Adivasis be prohibited forthwith; • that pending the formulation of a radical new policy in this regard with the ultimate objective of decommodifying land , only consensual acquisition/transfer of land for specifically stated social purpose be allowed with the consent of the concerned Gram Sabha and with prior provision of alternative and decent livelihood for all those being displaced and/or whose livelihood is threatened as a result of such acquisition /transfer.

The Meeting further resolved •
that a National Land Use Commission be set up to formulate a comprehensive, people-centric, ecology-friendly, region- specific and scientific land use policy which will promote food security, biological diversity and the well being and solidarity of all those whose livelihood depends on land.
2. Mining and Minerals:
The Meeting noted: That while all mining is hazardous, disturbs ecology, destroys biodiversity, devastates land and water resources and leaves them unusable in perpetuity besides causing large scale displacement and loss of livelihood, some mining is inescapable in an urban-industrial economy;
That the mineral wealth belongs to the people, the future generations included, and therefore, the ownership of the mineral resources must remain with the people and the exploitation of these resources must be under full social control;
That there is need to make mining activity environmentally and socially acceptable and contribute to social and economic development of the area;
That the rapid liberalization of the mining and mineral policy since 1993; the opening up of the mining sector to foreign and indigenous big capital; colossal profiteering and rampant corruption leading to the unbridled loot of the national mineral wealth , on the one hand, and ruthless devastation of habitat and loss of livelihood of poor people , particularly Adivasis subsisting on the mineral bearing lands and forests; -- all have resulted in unprecedented anger and alienation among the forest dwellers and Adivasis;
That the situation calls for an immediate and radical overhaul of policies, laws, regulatory institutions and enforcement mechanism relating to this sector, based on the recognition that the community consent and welfare must be embedded in the relevant policies and laws.
The Meeting further noted:
That the proposed mining and mineral development legislation namely, the Draft Mines and Minerals(Development and Regulation) Bill 2010, falls short of the requirement , particularly as it still adheres to the philosophy of providing level playing field to all actors and making policy environment attractive for big capital, indigenous as well as foreign.
The Meeting resolved
• that, pending formulation of a policy which is comprehensive, far-sighted, people -centric, environment- conserving , socially acceptable, in general, and Adivasi- friendly, in particular;
• an immediate moratorium be imposed on issuing of LOIs , licenses, permissions, or entering into contracts for mining and exploitation of the resources in the Adivasi areas and a review be conducted of all such permissions issued /contracts entered into during the last sixteen years since the announcement of the National Mineral Policy in 1993 which opened up 13 major minerals ( iron ore, manganese ore, chrome ore, sulphur, gold, diamond, copper, lead, zinc, molybdenum, tungsten, nickel and platinum);
• all export of minerals be prohibited immediately;
• mineral wealth and mining be restored to public ownership and social control, with full involvement and consent of those sections of society that are directly affected in the course of exploitation of the mineral resources.
3. Prices, Employment, PDS
The Meeting noted that the Indian economy is plagued with inflation that is assuming serious proportions in recent years. The cost of living index (industrial workers) increased by 8% during 2008-09 and by 15% in 2009-10 and the food prices mounted by 15% in October 2009, 18% in November 2009 and 20% in December 2009. And despite this alarming situation, the Government effected increase in the prices of petrol, diesel, kerosene and LP Gas and deregulated petrol prices. This has resulted in all-round increase in transport and fuel costs and added fuel to price escalation.
The Meeting further noted with deep concern the steep escalation of prices of food items. From July 2008 to July 2010 the prices of rice and wheat increased by 19%, tur dal – 58%, moong dal – 113%, sugar 73%, potato, onion – 32%; prices of vegetables, fish, meat and milk prices are also mounting. In the case of rice and wheat even though there are large stocks with the Government that are held incurring huge expenditure and wastage, the stocks are not made available to the needy, they being misclassified as APL. Introduction of targeted PDS (1997) in place of universal PDS has defeated the very aims of PDS viz. maintaining price stability and ensuring supply of cereals and sugar to all at affordable prices. Deepening agrarian crisis which is the cumulative result of a number of factors has contributed significantly to the rise in food prices.
The meeting further noted that while the food prices are escalating, the farmers are not getting adequately remunerative prices for their produce. The Agricultural Cost and Prices Commission has failed to ensure this. The Commission has no statutory status, its functioning is not transparent and scientific, its recommendations are not mandatory and the government announcement of support prices is made much after the sowing season.
The Meeting resolved
• that the coverage of the Essential Commodities Act be expanded, its penal provisions be strengthened and its strict enforcement be ensured.
• that the administrative price regime for all petroleum products be restored; Oil Pool Account be reopened and the prices of petroleum products be set keeping in view the paying capacity of different classes of consumers through the use of appropriate tax structure and cross -subsidization.
• that the application of NREGA be universalized ; the period of guaranteed employment be enhanced to 300 days in a year; and, a decent wage be assured to those who report for work under the scheme.; and
• that PDS be universalized; its coverage be expanded to include locally available cereals such as Jowar and Bajra and other essentials such as edible oil, pulses and kerosene;
• that the The Agricultural Cost And Prices Commission be given statutory status; its functioning be made transparent and scientific; its recommendations be made mandatory ;and, the support prices must be announced well before sowing.

4. Kashmir
The Meeting noted with deep concern that the lack of timely and sympathetic response by the Prime Minister has led to aggravation of the tragic situation in the Kashmir valley. The GOI chose not to recognize the ground reality of alienation and continued to pass on all blame to external forces.
The Meeting strongly condemned the killing of unarmed protesters in the Kashmir Valley by security forces. This has added to the alienation of the people and exposed the apathy and indifference of the National Conference-Congress government to the peoples’ plight.
This Meeting called upon the State and UPA governments to stop the violence and start immediate dialogue within a specific timeframe. The government to restore confidence and trust by:-* withdrawing the Armed Forces Special Powers Act;
• replacing CRPF with the State Police
• releasing the arrested youth;
• releasing the political prisoners;
• starting immediate talks with all sections in Jammu and Kashmir for a political solution; • punishment to those guilty of fake encounters;
• removal of bunkers from bastis which cause continuing annoyance and humiliation; • restoring democratic rights and freedom to the people of the valley.
• public mobilization by civil society against communalism;

5. Democratic Rights
The Meeting noted with deep concern unprecedented erosion of democratic rights and freedoms. The last few years have witnessed increasing resort to legislation circumscribing the basic democratic freedoms. Cases of abuse of such laws are increasing in every state. On top of that, we are witnessing larger numbers of “encounter killings” in the name of countering “terrorist threats” or “threats to internal security”. We have also seen the launching of warlike “operations” under different names by the State and Central Security Forces , the latest being “the operation green hunt ”.
•The Meeting further noted that pursuit of neo-liberal economic policies has its compelling logic. It creates increasing disparities and polarization. It leads to predatory capital accumulation. It brings about alienation and marginalization of the vast masses in economic and political spheres. It pushes the ruling elites more and more to resort to use of force in containing the unrest engendered by its policies. The increasing sections of the various institutions of the state and the polity intended to safeguard the democratic freedoms and facilitate the implementation of people- centric policies tend to come under the sway of the compelling logic of neo-liberalism. Worse still, through its omissions and commissions, the neo-liberal logic encourages chauvinistic, internecine conflicts in the polity, to divert the attention from the main issues and to provide legitimacy to its attack on democratic freedoms.
In this background, the Meeting demanded abrogation of all black laws passed by the State and Central governments in the recent years ostensibly in the name of preserving security and maintaining public order but in reality to crush the mass upsurge and peoples’ struggles against the injustice and exploitation unleashed by the neo-liberal policies that serve the interest of the big capital.
• The Meeting demanded that the “operation green hunt” be called off immediately.
• The Meeting also demanded the repeal of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act.
6. Social justice to Minorities, Adivasis-Vanvasis, and MBCs (moved by Jan Sangharsh Morcha)
The Meeting noted that the journey to social justice remains incomplete. As long as the minorities, Adivasis, MBCs and women do not get social justice , it can not be regarded as complete.
The meeting called upon the government to promptly implement the recommendations of the Rangnath Mishra Commission and provide separate reservation quota to the backward Muslims and include the dalit Muslims in the Scheduled Caste category.
The Meeting noted that the MBCs are deprived of social justice although two decades have elapsed since the implementation of the Mandal Commission recommendations. Even today the share of MBCs in government and administration is extremely low. One member of the Mandal Commission, Shri L R Naik was apprehensive that the MBCs would not get social justice if they were not allocated a separate quota. It is worth mentioning that precisely on this issue he resigned from the Commission. His worst apprehensions have come true. Supreme Court also opined in its verdict that the government may provide separate quota for the MBCs. to ensure social justice for them.
The Meeting called upon the government to constitute a National Commission for ensuring social justice to the MBCs within a stipulated time-frame and separating their quota from the OBC quota.
The meeting noted that in states like UP, the Adivasis have suffered a great injustice. Adivasi communities like Kol, Musahar(Vanvasi), Dhangar( Uraon), Dharikar, Koranva, etc. have not even been accorded the status of Scheduled Tribes. As a result, these communities dependent on the forests, are not able to get the benefit of Forest Rights Act which was enacted after a long struggle to ensure the ancient and traditional right of Adivasis on forest land. The democratic rights of the sixteen tribal communities like Gond, Kharvar, Chero, Panika, Bainga, Bhuiyan,Agaria who were accorded ST status in 2003, have been negated. They will no longer be able to contest elections on the seats reserved for SCs. Actually these seats were reserved for SCs because these communities were included in SC category till 2003. The Meeting, therefore, demanded that communities like Kol, Musahar(Vanvasi), Dhangar(Uraon),Dharikar, Koranva, etc. be included in ST category, and seats from the Panchayat upto the Parliament level be reserved for communities like Gond, Kharvar, Chero, Panika,Bainga, Bhuiyan, Agaria on the basis of a rapid survey. The meeting strongly disapproves of the government’s putting the women reservation bill again on the back burner. It demanded that the women reservation bill ensuring 33% seats for women in Parliament and State Assemblies be passed without any further delay and reservation for women in services also be guaranteed.
7.Widespread illegal mining in Bellary and other districts of Karnataka including in the Bellary reserve forest on both sides of the interstate border of Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka by Mining Mafia led by Reddy Brothers (moved by Shri S.R.Hiremath, Rajakeeya Janandolan Karanataka)
The Meeting expressed deep concern about unprecedented loot of mineral wealth((iron ore, manganese) by the mining mafia led by Reddy Brothers of Bellary and demanded :
1. Immediate moratorium on new mining leases in Karnataka and adjoining area of Andhra Pradesh including ban on forest and environmental clearances on the pending applications by Ministry of External Affairs (MoEF), GOI.
2. Nationalisation of iron ore, manganese and other major minerals, that is to say, declaring null and void the notifications(CI 33 AND CI 16) DATED 15.03.2003 and subsequent such notifications which threw open mining by private parties on forest and other lands( 1300+ Sq Km)
3. Effective measures against illegal mining by strict enforcement of laws especially on the forest land and other common lands and restoration and protection of water sources already adversely affected and immediate halting of raising contract( which is illegal).
4. Taking strongest actions against those involved in illegal mining starting with Reddy Brothers and all other political party persons.
5. Stopping export of major minerals e.g. iron ore and protection thereof by careful domestic use through value addition and for future generations.
6. Taking strict measures to recover the ill gotten wealth by Reddy Brothers and all others and taking criminal actions where warranted.
8. Privatisation of PSUs, retrenchment of workers and social security for organized and unorganized workers ( moved by Khadan Mazdoor Union Allahabad)

The Meeting resolved to fight against privatization of public sector undertakings, disinvestment, downsizing and retrenchment of workers and decided to fight for a central legislation for social security of unorganized labour including agricultural labour.
The meeting demanded the regularization of Shikshamitra, Kisanmitra, panchaytmitra, ASHA heath workers and Anganwadi workers and helpers. Lakhs of workers of stone quarries and mines are currently excluded from the benefits of the policies and schemes of the Labour and Employment Ministry. The Meeting demanded that they should be given the benefit of the welfare schemes. Further, in order to protect weavers’ lives, special package of financial and other assistance should be granted and their outstanding loans be written off.

Programme and Constitution of Jan Sangharsh Morcha

Jan Sangharsh Morcha
Programme and Constitution (For a political alternative based on the independent mobilization of the people, progressive, democratic and left forces formed Jan Sangharsh Morcha on July 20, 2008 in Lucknow.
It’s proposed Programme and Constitution is given here for deliberation.

Jan Sangharsh Morcha Programme and Constitution
Political platform of peoples politics, Jan Sangharsh Morcha, the need of political life of Indian people is dedicated to revolutionary democracy in India and committed for building secular, democratic, pluralist and modern India. It’s flag bearer of national sovereignty, unity, cultural and ethnic diversity, social justice and fundamental human rights. Its immediate task is to bring together on one platform all political tendencies, movements, organizations, groups and individuals who are opposed to corporate politics for a broader democratic movement to give impetus to the politics of change.

Need of Political Alternative
All sections of the people are unhappy with the present circumstances and want a radical change. From time to time, this urge for change is witnessed in mass movements Most of the mainstream parties are engaged in competition amongst themselves to form governments through manipulations and to implement the policies formulated by WB-IMF-WTO. Unbridled corruption, unprecedented price-rise and recession are product of the same neo-liberal policies. The neo-liberal agenda to combat the cycle of congenital crises of world capitalism in 80's was peddled as the only alternative by the Reagan-Thatcher regime for the rest of the world, reversing all welfarism, social security and hard earned sovereignty and independence of the erstwhile colonized world through a process of sustained decolonization. The rapacity and brutality of this ''New world Order" is unparalleled in history. It has militarized the world as never before. The military-industrial complex of the developed nations led by U.S. has demonstrated insatiable appetite for wars. The speculative-finance capital in search of natural and human resources has devastated most ancient of civilizations viz. Iraq. The fragility of the global system of finance capital has ominous repercussions on the national economies of poorer countries as never before. The continuing economic crisis and recession in US has wider adverse impact on the economies of these countries. Ignoring the basic needs of the people, land, water, seed, forest and minerals, are being commoditized rapidly and a barbaric path of capital accumulation is being pursued, with enormous adverse implications both for the people and the ecology. The neo-liberal policy-regime has posed a threat of even survival for the toiling masses whereas it has resulted in the relentless generation of huge profits for the corporate houses. The peasantry as a whole is suffering from rapidly rising cost of inputs ( thanks to the entry of the corporate sector in agricultural research and extension, greater role being played by privately owned sources of irrigation and withdrawal of subsidies on inputs); volatility of prices for the produce (on account of the withdrawal/ scaling down of public procurement and also because of growing integration of the domestic market with the international market) ; and the resultant increase in indebtedness( made worse by the lower priority assigned by profit- seeking banking industry to agricultural credit and consequent resort to usurious moneylenders). The small and marginal farmers and landless labour are the worst victims, having to cope with reduced food availability and chronic undernourishment. They are being forced to join the under- class in the slums around big and small cities in search of some means of survival. The land is passing out of the hands of rural households to others on a large scale. While the SEZ Act is an unvarnished onslaught under government auspices, the market forces have unleashed more devastating, if less transparent, assault, leading to speculative market in land in and around growing cities and around the sites of big infrastructure projects. The policies on land acquisition and liberal conversion of agricultural land for non-agricultural uses have further strengthened the trend. The legions of petty producers and the so-called self –employed and the large mass of those engaged in the service sector have no employment, wage or social security. They are over-exploiting themselves in order to simply survive in the face of galloping inflation of the prices of basic necessities, vanishing public health and education infrastructure and growing pressure of competition from large, organized capital which is being encouraged to enter sectors such as retail trade, cottage, village and small industries and processing of agro-products and fishing. The liberal import regime in the name of promoting “free trade” has only worsened the unfair competition. The government machinery in collusion with the big corporate capital, foreign as well as indigenous, have systematically acquired, appropriated and grabbed land and forests for mining and other commercial uses. In the name of attracting investment and accelerating “growth”, the government policies have encouraged indiscriminate exploitation of mineral resources for exports. The laws intended to remedy the situation to some extent such as Panchayat Extension to Schedule Areas (PESA) and Forest Rights Act remains largely unimplemented. The neo-liberal reforms are resulting in all round attack on the democratic rights and freedoms of the common people. We have witnessed in the last few years increasing resort to legislation circumscribing the basic democratic freedoms. Cases of abuse of such laws are increasing in every state. On top of that, we are witnessing larger numbers of “encounter killings” in the name of countering “terrorist threats” or “threats to internal security. Even the ‘dissent’ by intellectuals on state policies is being dubbed as sedition, let alone the common people. The process of liberalisation has lead to encouragement of fascist tendencies in our body politic. Campaign against the minorities, relentless communalization of all aspects of life and all organs of state, national- chauvinism, aggressive regionalism, and tendencies like promoting retrogressive caste sentiments and even endorsing the fascist politics in the name of sharing in state power in place of annihilation of caste and establishing the democratic identity of individual, Khaap and Gotra autocracy and arrogance of the caste superiority furnish congenial environment for such fascistic tendency to take root and flourish. All this is further strengthened when, highlighting the corporate development of India, US is patting India as an economic power and a Great Power. The last two decades of the neoliberal reforms in economic sphere have also witnessed a concomitant rise of communalism. The ruling classes have abandoned the legacy of the four decades of an independent, non-aligned, South- friendly foreign policy and have openly come out in favour of a strategic alliance with the US-Israel combine. They have internalized the self- serving US-Israeli neoconservative logic and propaganda about the “clash of civilizations” and the “global war against terrorism”.. this also makes the Indian State witting or unwitting endorser of the ‘Islamophobia’ rooted in the neo-conservative vision of the US ruling classes and/or the ‘ political Islam’ of the US sponsored protégé regimes in West Asia. As we have noted earlier, this has dangerous implications for the secular politics of our polity. Apart from the avoidable grist it provides to the mill of militant fundamentalist and communal elements, it exacerbates the sense of alienation and insecurity in the minority community, on the one hand, and gives a fillip to the majoritarian communal fascist politics, on the other. A manifestation of this approach is to be seen in the suspicious and ham-handed way in which the youths of the minority community are treated in the wake of any terrorist attack. Even worse is its manifestation in the continued miss-handling of the legitimate political aspirations of the people of J&K, particularly the youth in the Kashmir valley, the repeated and large scale resort to the armed force and consequently, a severe erosion of democratic rights and fast diminution of political space in J&K. By far the worst manifestation is the tendency among some sections of the ruling classes to treat Kashmir as a mere strategic requirement of geo-politics or worse still, as a piece of real estate. The ruling classes have appropriated the ruling as well as opposition space in politics and they have launched offensive against the vision of modern democratic India nurtured during national liberation movement. In combating this, the efforts by the left movement are inadequate and the initiatives by ‘Civil Society’ lack clarity in political orientation and are victim of many inherent weaknesses. So, regenerating transformative politics and recreating, nourishing and expanding the political space is need of the hour. Jan Sangharsh Morcha is product of this political necessity. Jan Sangharsh Morcha uniting with other left-democratic movement is committed to carry forward the battle for democratization of Indian state and society. Defeating the corporate takeover of agriculture, resisting corporatization of land, water, seed, forest and minerals and moving towards socialization of these basic resources will constitute one of the two core elements of its radical agenda. The other core element will consist of uncompromising resistance to neo-imperialism in all its manifestations: strategic, economic, political and cultural.

Ideology, Objectives and Programme of Jan Sangharsh Morcha –
The Programme itself is the guiding ideology of Jan Sangharsh Morcha. Jan Sangharsh Morcha raises its voice against the neo-liberal offensive, for self-reliant, national economy, stands against anti- people laws for pro- people legislation ,fights for an accountable, transparent and clean polity and administration; fights against communal fascism in favour of democracy and secularism, for environmentally compatible pro-people development against development on colonial lines and environmental degradation, for liberation of women against male domination and patriarchy, for the protection of civil liberties against violation of human rights. Jan Sangharsh Morcha commits itself to the democratic sister/brotherhood and peaceful existence of the people against war-mongering and national chauvinism. Jan Sangharsh Morcha commits itself to inspiring patriotic and national feeling against colonial values and imperialist infiltration. Jan Sangharsh Morcha raises its voice against political, social, cultural oppression and commits itself to struggle for fulfillment of the aspirations of ethnic groups and linguistic, national, religious, cultural, sexual minorities and dalit rights.. The priority list of the Programme:
*Defeating the attack on democratic rights and freedoms and working for repeal of all special laws including the Armed Forces( Special Powers) Act which restrict the democratic space guaranteed under the Constitution and enable the State to abuse its monopoly of use of force.
*Defeating corporate takeover of agriculture; resisting corporatization of land, water and seed, forest and minerals; moving towards socialization of these basic resources.
*Defeating the corporate encroachment and appropriation of commons, particularly the forest and adivasi habitations and lands; protecting adivasi community rights and livelihoods; promoting community ownership and management of forest resources. * Defeating the policy regime that facilitates the Corporate loot of mineral resources and spells devastation of Adivasi’ life, livelihood and habitat. *Defeating the WTO/AoA paradigm on agriculture; striving for a peasant- centric alternative for South-South cooperation in agricultural production and trade. *Alternative development, policies which will not only repudiate the mainstream strategy of “globalizing growth” but also promote self-reliance; inter-personal, inter-class( in the sense of educationally and socially backward and advanced classes), and inter-regional equity; and conservation of environment. It will imply reorientation of direction and pattern of industrialization. It will mean a break from the present obsession with “globally competitive” industries and a shift in favour of employment –intensive and mass consumption oriented industries.
* Ending the process of rapid commodification of health, education and access to food and other articles of necessity; replacing the prevailing mercenary, discriminatory , unaffordable and limited- reach regimes and establishing comprehensive , egalitarian , affordable public system for provision of health ,education and food and other necessities.
* Providing legally guaranteed preferential opportunity in education and employment, in private as well as state sectors, for the socially disadvantaged classes and communities
*A national wages and incomes policy severely limiting the disparity across the sectors and classes.
*Strengthening the autonomy of the Indian financial system and protecting it from the fragility and rapacity of the global finance capital. Working for regional financial cooperation e.g. Regional Monetary Union/s.
* Decisive breaking away from the US strategic design and opposing US militarism, in particular, US-Israeli militarism in West Asia, and exposing and defeating US sponsored Islamophobia.
*A new energy policy consistent with the reorientation of the strategic, agrarian and industrial policies; selective strategic cooperation with the West Asian and Central Asian oil and gas rich countries ; closer cooperation with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.
*Stuggle for thoroughgoing electoral reforms. For peoples control and supervision over the administrative machinery. Demand for a provision of representation on the basis of the proportion of votes polled by each party in the parliamentary system, apart from constituency-wise direct election of representatives to the legislature, in order to broaden the scope of democracy.
*Jan Sangharsh Morcha considers religion as a matter of private domain of an individual. It stands for complete separation of politics from religion. No to discrimination among citizens on grounds of religion.
*Jan Sangharsh Morcha firmly supports oppressed nationalities in their struggle for safeguarding their identity and for fullest autonomy within Indian Union.